lagi ngapain

lagi ngapain

Hasil (Inggris) 1:

what are you doing

Hasil (Inggris) 2:

What's the matter?

Hasil (Inggris) 3:

This schematic analysis summarises the argument presented in this book as to the fundamental dimensions of difference in how societies determine space. The question therefore arises in a new form: is there any sense in which space also determines society? This question is not the subject of the book. But since the text was completed, the continuing research programme at the Unit for Architectural Studies in University College London has led us to an affirmative - if conditional - answer to that vexed question. Space does indeed have social consequences - but only if social is the right word for what we have discovered. Briefly, what we have done is to take a number of urban areas - traditional areas of street patterns and a range of recent estates and groups of estates - and mapped and analysed them using the alpha-analysis technique set out in Chapter 3. Then we observed them repeatedly in terms of how many static and moving people were to be found in different parts of the system. The first thing we found out was that such observations are much more reliable and predictable than ordinary experience would suggest. Observers were quickly able to anticipate with some accuracy how few or how many people they would be likely to encounter in different spaces. To test this, two observers would start from the same point and walk round a selected route in opposite directions and then compare observations. These were often remarkably similar, even though the two observers could rarely have observed the same people. The second finding was that there was remarkably little variation with the weather, and also remarkably little variation in the pattern of distribution with time of day. Relatively few observations, it seemed, would give a fairly reliable picture of the system. Much more striking were the differences in the densities of people observed in the different types of area. This was not a function of the density of people living in the area. For example, we compared a rather quiet street area of North London with a famous low-rise, high-density estate nearby (both examples are used for analysis in Chapter 3) and discovered that in spite of the fact that the estate had three times the density of population of the street area, the observers encountered only one third of the number of people - and many of these observers were only aware of for a much shorter time than in the street area. Taking into account all factors, there was a difference between the public space of the old and new in terms of awareness of people by a factor of about nine. These differences and general levels have since been verified in other cases, and seem fairly stable. Daytime in a new area (even where this has been established for several decades) is like the middle of the night in a traditionally organised area. From the point of view of awareness of others, living on even the most progessive and low-rise estate is like living in perpetual night. Some understanding of why this might be the case came from correlating people densities with the syntactic measures of in tegration* and 'control' for each space. Every traditional system we have looked at, however piecemeal its historical development, showed a statistically significant (better than the 0.05 level) correlation between the patterns of integration values and the